This is the title I chose for my personal blog, which is meant to give me an outlet for one of my favorite crafts – writing – plus to use an image from my favorite sport, golf. Out of college, my first job was as a reporter for the Daily Astorian in Astoria, Oregon, and I went on from there to practice writing in all my professional positions, including as press secretary in Washington, D.C. for a Democrat Congressman from Oregon (Les AuCoin), as an Oregon state government manager in Salem and Portland, as press secretary for Oregon’s last Republican governor (Vic Atiyeh), and as a private sector lobbyist. This blog also allows me to link another favorite pastime – politics and the art of developing public policy – to what I write. I could have called this blog “Middle Ground,” for that is what I long for in both politics and golf. The middle ground is often where the best public policy decisions lie. And it is where you want to be on a golf course.
Higher education as we know it in America has been under threat and, no surprise, not always to the benefit of its reputation. On occasion, it also has been its own worst enemy.
Some of the recent discord is not deserved if it is in relation to the appearance in Congress by three higher ed presidents – one from MIT, one from the University of Pennsylvania, and one from Harvard. They answered questions about anti-semitism and free speech on campus. and MIT
What happened is that the three got trapped by a disreputable member of the U.S. House, Republican Elise Stefanik, who got what no doubt she wanted in the first place, which was more publicity for herself as she appears to be vying to win Donald Trump’s nod as a vice presidential candidate.
The three college presidents, two of whom lost their jobs as a result of the appearance in Congress, should have answered the questions simply and clearly – they should have said they don’t and won’t tolerate anti-semitism or any form of discrimination on their campuses.
Instead, they failed, either because they brought a complicated academic perspective to the question or because their staffs had failed to prepare them adequately for their time in the limelight.
[As an aside, I highlight the role of staff because that was what I did in several of my public relations positions before retirement. Therefore, my bias is that staff advice matters, though it is up to the principal about whether to take it. Who knows what happened in this case, but one source told me that a couple law firms had been asked to provide advice and did so. Not sure about the content of the advice or whether it was taken.]
What remains after the appearance in Congress is that higher education needs to get about the business of reforming itself to illustrate that it doesn’t tolerate any discrimination against any group of people, as well as values free speech – within appropriate limits – as a key part of learning.
I also would say it also needs to get about its core business, which ought to be education, not politics.
So it was that I read a story in the Wall Street Journal by Benjamin Storey and Jenna Silber Storey, senior fellows at the American Enterprise Institute and research fellows at the University of Texas’ Civitas Institute.
It appeared under the headline I borrowed for this blog, as well as a subhead, both of which appear below:
FOLLOW THE LEFT’S EXAMPLE TO REFORM HIGHER ED: Identify areas, like civics, that are inadequately studied and create new programs around them.
Here is how the two authors started their piece:
“Conservatives have an extraordinary opportunity to reform higher education. Universities face a perfect storm of falling enrollments, souring public opinion, and political scrutiny. They need friends.
“Prudent administrators should be eager to work with those whose opinions they might not always agree with.”
In my words, the call is to find the smart middle ground.
The two authors continue:
“The left’s most enduring victories on campus have been led by academics who think academically. The right should learn from their playbook.
“When the academic left seeks to innovate, they do what scholars have always done: They create new disciplines. Academics who thought women’s lives and perspectives were neglected created women’s studies. Those who saw that scholars overlooked the literature, history, and art of black Americans created African-American studies.”
This, the Storey’s write, is a legitimate tactic.
“It’s how universities work. Academics perceive that some phenomenon is overlooked by existing modes of inquiry. They write studies about it; they describe ways of examining it. They attract scholars in related subjects, who become the initial faculty of the new programs. They develop ways of thinking that cohere as a discipline, in which students can be trained. They create associations; journals spring up; grants get funded; students get degrees. One generation of faculty acts as mentors to the next.”
Part of me, based on my lobbying background, including on occasion for higher education institutions, wonders about the tendency to create something new to debate something old.
It’s usually how governments work. If agencies don’t like what’s happening, they create a new department or sub-department. Don’t fix what’s broken. Create something new.
If I was involved in this kind of higher education reform, I also would want to make sure we were not creating some kind of new political organization. I would want something new to focus on learning, not politics.
For higher education in general, the Storeys go on to report that the most promising academic innovations today are Republican-led efforts at public universities to remedy a deficit in university-level civic education.
Arizona State University’s School of Civic and Economic Thought and Leadership, or SCETL, is the model. SCETL now employs 20 faculty, teaches more than 1,000 students annually, and has bipartisan support. Its success has encouraged similar efforts in Florida, Texas, Tennessee, Mississippi, Utah, North Carolina, and Ohio.
“Each such school is distinctive. What links them is the mission of creating a new model of university-level civic education. We call this model Civic Thought. The elements of Civic Thought are derived from the intellectual demands of American citizenship, which requires the ability to deliberate about everything from war to education. Equipping the mind for such responsibility is an ambitious intellectual project, fully worthy of the university.”
For me, this emphasis on civics calls to mind an effort in which I participated on a committee appointed by Oregon Common Cause.
Broadly, the idea was that “ethics” was important for all those in public life, even though we also knew it would be difficult to inject ethical attitudes and behavior into politics when all sides otherwise were so pitted against each other, ethics be damned.
Beyond ethics in general, one idea we pursued — inject a new civics curriculum into Oregon high schools in the belief that doing so would help young people understand more about their government, as well as expect government to act in an ethical fashion.
We started small rather than set out to impose a statewide mandate.
We identified a couple high schools – one in Bend and another in Portland – that we thought could develop model civics education programs. We talked with those two schools and leaders said they were ready to experiment. If those models worked, then they could be mimicked by other schools.
Unfortunately, as luck would have it, our effort failed, at least in part because the Covid pandemic made it difficult for schools to respond to a new civics curriculum idea or, for that matter, the Oregon Legislature to respond to other statewide proposals.
Still, I remain committed to the idea that young people in America should understand more about “their government” and how it works. That way, they’d be better citizens when it came time to vote. And ethical attitudes and behavior would benefit.